Democracy’s Destabilizer: TMI

For most of Martin Gurri’s 29 years working for the Central Intelligence Agency’s open-media group (now the Open Source Center), the world was very different from the one we now inhabit. “When I started out in government,” Gurri recalls in an interview, “it was a perfectly reasonable expectation that an analyst could absorb all the meaningful political information coming out in a day from even a very developed country like Britain or France. And, of course, now if you tried to do that your head would explode.”

Information used to be scarce. Now it’s overwhelming. In his book “The Revolt of the Public and the Crisis of Authority in the New Millennium,” Gurri considers the political implications of this change. He argues that the shift from information scarcity to abundance has destroyed the public’s established trust in institutional authorities, including media, science, religion, and government.

“Once the monopoly on information is lost, so too is our trust,” Gurri writes. Someone somewhere will expose every error, every falsehood, every biased assessment, every overstated certainty, every prejudice, every omission — and likely offer a contrary and equally refutable version of their own.

The result is the pervasive distrust that the columnist Anne Applebaum recently decried as “the terrible damage done by Facebook and other forms of social media to democratic debate and civilized discussion all over the world.” Gurri is less nostalgic for the past. Although he describes himself as an “uncomplicated defender of our system of government,” his experience makes him acutely aware of officials’ mutual protection practices, unwillingness to acknowledge uncertainty and rewards for failure. The CIA, he pointedly notes, “demanded and received a bigger budget after 9/11.”

Over history, Gurri argues, information has grown “in great pulses or waves” as technologies have changed — from writing to the alphabet to the printing press to mass media to today’s digital networks. Each of these great waves has brought with it new institutions and sometimes great political and social upheavals, most notably in the case of the printing press.

We are in the very early days of what he calls the Fifth Wave. Institutions that developed in the age of industrialized, top-down mass media are losing legitimacy while new arrangements have yet to evolve. The challenge is to manage the hazardous transition to a new stage without falling into nihilistic chaos and destruction.

Neither celebrating nor denouncing the collapse of authority, Gurri seeks to understand its implications. He offers a disturbingly convincing model uniting such disparate phenomena as the Arab Spring, the 2011 protests in Spain and Israel, the Tea Party and Occupy Wall Street, and, although he doesn’t discuss them, Donald Trump, Bernie Sanders, Black Lives Matter and Islamic State.

As information becomes abundant, he writes, “the regime accumulates pain points.” By this he means that problems like police brutality, economic mismanagement, foreign policy failures and botched responses to disasters “can no longer be concealed or explained away.” Instead, “they are seized on by the newly empowered public, and placed front and center in open discussions. In essence, government failure now sets the agenda.”

Yet the public’s expectations for government are at least as great as before. And those high expectations — not merely for justice or prosperity but for happiness and meaning–engender even greater anger.

“The public now takes it for granted that government could solve any problem, change any undesirable condition, if only it tried,” he writes. “The late modernist urge to intervene, with its aimless meandering, has been interpreted by the public as either tyranny or corruption — never, somehow, as the ineffectual pose of a kindly uncle.” In short, “The public has judged government on government’s own terms, but added bad intentions.” The result is a crisis of legitimacy.

Central to Gurri’s analysis is the contrast between the once-authoritative “center” and increasingly vocal “border sects,” a dichotomy he adapts from the 1983 book “Risk and Culture” by the cultural theorists Mary Douglas and Aaron Wildavsky. Sects coalesce in opposition to the center; they are, Douglas and Wildavsky wrote, “essentially critical of some defined other part of human society where power resides.” A sect’s message is one of negation.

In Gurri’s view, digital communities form sectarian publics whose only shared agenda is opposition to the status quo. Negation holds their coalitions together. If the Tahrir Square “protesters had sought to replace the regime with a specific set of people, programs, and principles, the weak bonds of the digital world would have been insufficient,” he writes. “But that’s not what brought out the variegated Egyptian public to the streets. They just wanted to get rid of Hosni Mubarak.” Once they succeeded, they couldn’t govern.

Lacking a clear positive agenda, a sectarian triumph creates a vacuum. The coalition breaks down or, standing outside the give-and-take of politics, simply loses interest.

Something like that happened to Barack Obama, Gurri argues. Obama ran against the status quo not only in 2008, when he was the insurgent, but in 2012 when he was the incumbent. Positioning himself as “a denouncer rather than a fixer of problems,” he identified with the public’s discontent and distanced himself from the workings of the federal government, eschewing responsibility for its mistakes and misdeeds and abandoning the give-and-take of political negotiation.

Obama, Gurri suggests, “represented a new and disconcerting development in democratic politics: the conquest of the Center by the Border, and the rise of the sectarian temper to the highest positions of power.” It’s easy to imagine a President Ted Cruz, representing a different brand of border sectarian, pursuing a similar approach.

Then there’s Donald Trump. By stoking magical thinking about what government can do, elite distrust of what the public wants, and sectarian rage at government failures, Trump feeds the nihilism that makes this period of transition so perilous. Some men just want to watch the world burn.

This column does not necessarily reflect the opinion of the editorial board or Bloomberg LP and its owners.

To contact the author of this story:
Virginia Postrel at vpostrel@bloomberg.net

To contact the editor responsible for this story:
Jonathan Landman at jlandman4@bloomberg.net

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The 9 Best Beauty Tips We Received This Year

For beauty lovers, it is always thrilling to hear about new launches and cutting edge innovations, but that is only half of it. It does not mean much if you know about a new product, but you have no clue on how to use it properly. You might as well be throwing your money down the drain. We are always quizzing experts for tips and hacks that will allow us to use our products in the most effective way, and hopefully cut down on our morning routine.

(Related: 4 Tips To Achieve The Most Flattering Hairstyle For Round Faces)

These are the best beauty tips we learned in 2015:

1. Never skip heat protectant when curling your hair, and ensure the sections aren’t tangled.

(Photo: Getty Images)

If you want the Victoria’s Secret models’ perfect waves more than all of the lingerie on the runway, the show’s hairstylist Sarah Potempta says the key to getting the Angels’ hair is to grabb clean, tangle-free sections of hair to curl, and never skip on heat protectant. Want to use the exact same tool? Sarah uses her BeachWaver iron for the perfect curl.

2. Make a double cleanse part of your skin care routine.

Cleansing your face twice might seem like a waste of time and product, but your skin will thank you. Insider Beauty‘s Angela Kim states that double cleansing is an essential part of the Korean skin care regimen. She recommends starting off with an oil-based cleanser to remove your makeup, then follow it up with a different formula that is pH-balanced so it won’t dry out your skin.

3. If you are a nail bitter, always keep a nail file with you.

Do you find it difficult to resist the urge to chew your fingernails? Deborah Lippmann says to make sure you always have a nail file with you. She explains, “That way, if your nail breaks or tears unexpectedly, you can file instead of gnaw. If you have to physically get up to get a file, you’re just going to wind up biting off the uneven edge.”

4. Add facial massage to your routine.

It isn’t just about choosing the right product, it is also how you apply then. If you are just slapping a product on, you aren’t using it it to its full potential. Lindsey Blondin, spa director and lead esthetician for George the salon Chicago states that facial massage aids in product absorption, stimulates a wound-healing response. and gives you a healthy glow.

5. Use a Q-tip to curl your lashes.

What can’t you do with a Q-tip? Surprisingly those little cotton buds make great eyelash curlers, according to Insider Beauty‘s Angela Kim. It is a popular trick women do in Korea because you can really target specific areas. You can use it with your regular eyelash curler, or you can just use the Q-tip. Curious? Check out all of the tutorial here.

6. Make masking a regular part of your routine.

We often see masking as something that we do every so often, however Glow Recipe‘s Sarah Lee and Christine Chang state that frequent masking is one of the secrets to Korean women’s glowing skin. You should be thinking about masking as regular maintenance rather than trying to treat a problem.

7. Do not skip haircuts, even if you are trying to grow your hair.

The thing that most people think when they are trying to grow their hair is that they should cancel all their haircut appointments. However, this is one of the worst things that you can do. NYC hair specialist and restoration expert Dr. Robert Dorin says, “It is important to note that regular haircuts don’t make your hair grow faster, rather, regular trims prevent hair breakage which can make hair appear to grow slower.” Even if you just get a bit cut off, it is a lot better than not cutting it for 12 months.

8. Choose a hairbrush according to your hair length and type.

Hairbrushes aren’t a one-size-fits-all type of item. Hairstylist John Barrett explains that you need to address your hair’s needs, whether you are looking to detangle or add volume. You need to consider the shape, bristle type, and barrel type when selecting a hairbrush.

9. Do not pop that pimple.

It it so tempting to pick a zit, but do whatever you can to resist the urge. Popping a pimple can make things worse. Chief Scientific Officer of Clarity MD Dr Felipe Jimenez says that it is best to not pick it because it can lead to further infection, injury, scarring or dark spots. It’s best to go to a dermatologist or licensed esthetician for extractions. If you’re at home, wash your face, apply a zit cream and keep your hands off your face.

(Photos: iStock, unless otherwise noted)

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