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Facebook says 126 million people in the US may have seen posts produced by Russian-government backed agents

October 31, 2017 by  
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Facebook, Google and Twitter plan to tell congressional investigators this week that the scope of Russia’s campaign to spread disinformation on their sites — and to potentially disrupt the 2016 U.S. presidential race — is much broader than the companies initially reported.

At Facebook, roughly 126 million users in the United States may have seen posts, stories or other content created by Russian government-backed trolls around Election Day, according to a source familiar with the company’s forthcoming testimony to Congress. Previously, Facebook had only shared information on ads purchased by Kremlin-tied accounts, revealing that they reached more than 10 million U.S. users.

Google, which previously had not commented on its internal investigation, will break its silence: In a forthcoming blog post, the search giant confirmed that it discovered about $4,700 worth of search-and-display ads with dubious Russian ties. It also reported 18 YouTube channels associated with the Kremlin’s disinformation efforts, as well as a number of Gmail addresses that “were used to open accounts on other platforms.”

And Twitter will tell Congress that it found more than 2,700 accounts tied to a known Russian-sponsored organization called the Internet Research Agency, according to sources familiar with its testimony. Twitter initially informed lawmakers about just 200 known accounts. The company will also release a new study that shows the extent to which Russian-based automated accounts, or bots, of all sorts tweet on its platform.

In sharing these findings with congressional investigators, the three tech giants plan to emphasize that Russian-fostered disinformation — while troubling — amounted to only a small portion of the ads and other content published regularly on their platforms. Facebook, for example, hopes to highlight that its U.S. users are served more than 200 stories in their News Feeds each day, according to a source familiar with its thinking.

Still, the companies’ explanations may not satisfy an ever-expanding chorus of critics on Capitol Hill. Lawmakers are increasingly demanding that Facebook, Google and Twitter step up their efforts to counter the Kremlin’s attempts to sow political and social discord — or else face more regulation by the U.S. government.

For the tech industry, the first test comes on Tuesday: A crime- and terrorism-focused committee led by Republican Sen. Lindsay Graham will grill Colin Stretch, the general counsel of Facebook; Richard Salgado, the director of law enforcement and information security at Google; and Sean Edgett, the acting general counsel of Twitter.

On Wednesday, Facebook’s Stretch and Twitter’s Edgett will return to the Capitol and submit to two back-to-back sessions before the House and Senate Intelligence Committees. There, they’ll be joined by Kent Walker, the general counsel of Google.

Upon entering the hearings, these tech giants each pledged to improve their handling of political advertising — seemingly in a bid to stave off congressional scrutiny. Facebook and Twitter, for example, in October promised more manual review of those ads, along with greater disclosure as to who is paying for them in the first place.

And Google newly revealed on Monday that it would do the same. The company announced that it sought to create a new database for election ads purchased on AdWords and YouTube, along with stronger disclosure rules as well as a new ad transparency report due in 2018. Google also said it would also put in place new procedures to verify that advertisers running political ads are based in the U.S.

But lawmakers’ concerns aren’t limited to ads. Members of Congress also are likely to press some tech executives on their handling of organic posts — the stories, status updates or other content published and shared on social-media sites without cost. In many ways, this content is harder to identify, and at times it is impossible to regulate in a way that doesn’t trigger free-speech concerns.


Headshots of three senior executives from Facebook, Google and Twitter are shown. Facebook’s Colin Stretch, Google’s Rich Salgado and Twitter’s Sean Edgett are shown.

Colin Stretch (Facebook), Rich Salgado (Google), Sean Edgett (Twitter)

At Facebook, for example, Russian trolls created 80,000 pieces of organic content between January 2015 and August 2017, the company plans to tell lawmakers at the hearing. About 29 million Americans saw those posts directly in their News Feed over that two-year period. And those users also liked, shared and followed these posts and pages, exposing them to their friends — meaning 126 million U.S. users in total might have seen at least some Russian-generated content, according to a source familiar with the findings.

On Instragram, meanwhile, Facebook deleted roughly 170 accounts tied to Russian trolls that posted about 120,000 pieces of content, the company plans to reveal in its testimony.

Taken together, those organic posts had a much greater reach than the 3,000 ads purchased by Russian agents on Facebook around Election Day. In October, the company provided key congressional committees with copies of the ads, which sought to sow social and political unrest around contentious topics, including immigration and Black Lives Matter.

Muck like its peers, though, Facebook plans to stress to U.S. lawmakers that the activity represents only a fraction of what happens on its site daily. Russian-generated disinformation during the election amounted to four-thousandths (0.004) of one percent of content in the News Feed, according to a source familiar with the company’s findings.

Google, meanwhile, plans to tell Congress that it “found only limited activity on our services,” wrote general counsel Walker and Salgado, a company security executive, in a blog post published before the hearing.

Initially, sources had flagged $4,700 in ad spending by Russia’s so-called Internet Research Agency, and Google finally confirmed the number Monday. In doing so, it said search and display ads were not targeted based on users’ geography or political preferences.

Its audit of YouTube, meanwhile, turned up 18 channels tied to Russian trolls, which had uploaded 1,108 videos. In total, they had been viewed roughly 309,000 times between June 2015 and November 2017; about 3 percent of of those videos had more than 3,000 views. The channels have been suspended.

Yet one of Google’s biggest challenges — much like Facebook and Twitter — is its handling of organic content, including videos uploaded by RT, a Russian government-funded news network. Called a propaganda arm of the Kremlin, RT videos have millions of views on YouTube. In Google’s investigation, however, the tech giant said it “found no evidence of manipulation of our platform or policy violations.” As a result, Google said that RT and other state-sponsored media outlets are still “subject to our standard rules.”

Twitter, for its part, recently banned RT from advertising on its platform, though the publication is still allowed to tweet there. Facebook has announced no change.

For its part, Twitter plans to unveil two new key findings during its testimony to Congress, sources told Recode on Monday. Chief among them: The company’s acting general counsel, Edgett, will note that the company had discovered — and suspended — roughly 2,752 accounts tied to known Kremlin trolls.

Initially, Twitter pegged this number at about 200 accounts. And while the company at the time described it as an early estimate, it still faced sharp criticism from lawmakers like Sen. Mark Warner, who charged that the company hadn’t done an exhaustive investigation.

Twitter also sought to study election-related tweets sent between Sept. 1 and Nov. 15, 2016. Among a pool of 189 million tweets, the company identified about 1.4 million sent by automated Russian-affiliated accounts.

In Twitter’s estimation, that’s less than three-quarters of a percent of all of the election-sampled tweets sent using its service over a roughly two-month window — and Edgett will stress they “underperformed” in generating impressions on the site when compared to an average, normal tweet. In contrast, Twitter also noted that tweets from accounts including Wikileaks tended to benefit from significantly more engagement by Russian bots.


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Top campaign officials knew of Trump adviser’s outreach to Russia

October 31, 2017 by  
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Several weeks after Donald Trump secured the Republican presidential nomination, his national campaign co-chairman urged a foreign policy adviser to meet with Russian officials to foster ties with that country’s government.

“Make the trip, if it is feasible,” Sam Clovis wrote in an August email to George Papadopoulos.

The email, included in court papers unsealed Monday, shows how an otherwise low-profile adviser has become a focus of the federal probe into possible coordination between the Trump campaign and the Kremlin.

Papadopoulos was in contact with several senior Trump campaign aides about his efforts to broker a relationship between Trump and Russian President Vladimir Putin, the court papers show. In addition to Clovis, who now serves as senior White House adviser to the U.S. Department of Agriculture, Papadopoulos wrote to campaign manager Corey Lewandowski and campaign chairman Paul Manafort, the newly released documents show.

The campaign officials are not identified in court documents, but some of the emails cited by federal prosecutors match messages described in August to The Washington Post by people familiar with their contents.

The newly released documents show that while senior Trump officials at times rebuffed or ignored Papadopoulos, they were well aware of his efforts, which went on for months. His interactions with them could complicate the White House’s attempts to distance the president from Papadopoulos, who pleaded guilty Oct. 5 to lying to federal agents.

Trump himself knew of Papadopoulos’s claims that he had a pipeline to Moscow: During a March 2016 meeting of the campaign’s national security advisers in Washington that Trump attended, Papadopoulos said he had connections that could help arrange a meeting between the then-candidate and Putin.

On Monday, White House press secretary Sarah Huckabee Sanders said she was “not sure that the president recalls specific details of the meeting,” calling it “brief.” She described Papadopoulos’s role with the campaign as “extremely limited.”

In a statement, Clovis’s attorney Victoria Toensing said Clovis, a radio host from Iowa who was one of Trump’s earliest supporters, “always vigorously opposed any Russian trip for Donald Trump and/or the campaign.”

She said Clovis was “being polite” when he encouraged Papadopoulos to meet with Russian officials in August, adding that the campaign had a “strict rule that no person could travel abroad as a representative of the campaign.” Clovis could not stop an American citizen from traveling abroad “in his personal capacity,” she said.

Clovis has been nominated to be the top science adviser at the USDA. His hearing before the Senate Agriculture Committee is scheduled for Nov. 9.

View Graphic Who’s who in the government’s investigation into Russia ties

Lewandowski did not respond to a request for comment.

In a statement, Papadopoulos’s attorneys Thomas Breen and Robert Stanley said they would refrain from commenting on the case.

“We will have the opportunity to comment on George’s involvement when called upon by the Court at a later date,” they said. “We look forward to telling all of the details of George’s story at that time.”

Trump first identified Papadopoulos as one of his advisers in a March 2016 meeting with The Post’s editorial board, describing him as “an energy and oil consultant. Excellent guy.”

Papadopoulos was charged under seal in July and was arrested when he arrived at Dulles International Airport on July 27. His plea agreement indicates that he is cooperating with special counsel Robert S. Mueller III. He pleaded guilty in October to lying to federal agents about his contacts with people with connections to the Russian government, filings show.

Papadopoulos’s efforts to arrange a meeting with Russian officials began days after he was named to Trump’s campaign team and continued for months. At one point, he emailed Lewandowski “to discuss Russia’s interest in hosting Mr. Trump. Have been receiving a lot of calls over the last month about Putin wanting to host him and the team when the time is right,” according to documents.

A month later, he reiterated Russia’s interest in an email to Manafort.

In response, Manafort forwarded Papadopoulos’s offer to his deputy Rick Gates, writing, “We need someone to communicate that [Trump] is not doing these trips. It should be someone low level in the campaign so as not to send any signal.”

Papadopoulos’s proposed trip ultimately did not take place, court documents show.

According to court papers, Papadopoulos lied to federal agents about one of his key contacts: a London-based professor he met in Italy in March 2016, days after he joined the Trump campaign.

In a subsequent meeting in April, the professor told Papadopoulos that the Russian government had “dirt” on Democratic presidential candidate Hillary Clinton, including thousands of Clinton’s emails.

That conversation occurred weeks before the Democratic National Committee revealed that it had been hacked and believed that Russians were behind the attack. It also came about a month after an email account belonging to Clinton’s campaign chairman, John Podesta, was targeted with a phishing attempt that may have led to the hack of his emails. Podesta’s emails were released by WikiLeaks in October 2016.

One email quoted in court filings regarding the professor matches an exchange previously described to The Post in which Papadopoulos identified the professor as Joseph Mifsud, the director of the London Academy of Diplomacy.

That document, as well as emails with Clovis and other top campaign aides, was among more than 20,000 pages that the Trump campaign turned over to congressional committees after review by White House and defense lawyers.

Mifsud told The Post in an email in August that he had “absolutely no contact with the Russian government” and said his only ties to Russia were through academic links. He did not respond to a request for comment Monday.

When asked about the unsealed indictments Monday, Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov said, “We don’t know what the charges are.” After being sent a copy of the indictments, he responded, “My office hours are over!”

Papadopoulos also communicated with a Russian woman with ties to the government and a man in Moscow he believed was connected to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, filings show.

At the time, Papadopoulos incorrectly believed that the Russian woman was a niece of Putin, according to court documents.

“We are all very excited by the possibility of a good relationship with Mr. Trump,” she wrote to him in April 2016. “The Russian Federation would love to welcome him once his candidature would be officially announced.”

According to court filings, she told Papadopoulos that she would like to help set up meetings with her associates to discuss U.S.-Russia ties under a future President Trump.

After Papadopoulos emailed campaign officials about her offer, Clovis responded that he would “work it through the campaign,” but added, “Great work.”

Toensing described Clovis as a “polite gentleman from Iowa” who “would always have been courteous to a person offering to help the campaign.”

Clovis played a key role in boosting Trump during the Iowa caucuses, but his influence within the campaign subsequently waned amid tense relations with Trump’s son-in-law and adviser Jared Kushner.

During a Jan. 27, 2017, interview with FBI agents, Papadopoulos said he had met the Russian woman before he joined the Trump campaign and falsely stated that he had no relationship with her, according to court filings.

The day after his second interview with FBI agents, in February, Papadopoulos deactivated his Facebook account, which had information about his outreach to Russian officials — a move prosecutors said was aimed at obstructing their investigation.

Papadopoulos, who has a scant foreign policy background, briefly advised the 2016 presidential campaign of neurosurgeon Ben Carson.

When Trump identified Papadopoulos as an adviser in March 2016, the hotel and real estate executive was rising in the field of Republican presidential candidates, and his campaign was eager to show that it had credible voices offering advice on foreign policy. Among the other advisers he named that day was Carter Page, another energy consultant whose ties to Russia have been under scrutiny.

Throughout the summer, Papadopoulos met with foreign officials and gave interviews to media in other countries, sometimes describing Trump’s views on Putin or Russia.

He told a group of researchers in Israel that Trump saw Putin as “a responsible actor and potential partner,” according to a column in the Jerusalem Post; later he met with a British Foreign Office representative in London and a Greek official in New York, British and Greek embassy spokesmen have said. He also criticized U.S. sanctions on Russia in an interview with the Russian news outlet Interfax.

The Post has also reported that Sergei Millian, who was a key source of information contained in a dossier about Trump’s ties to Russia, told people around him that he was in contact with Papadopoulos during the campaign.

Robert Costa, Carol D. Leonnig and Philip Rucker in Washington, Karla Adam in London, and David Filipov in Moscow contributed to this report.

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